In Sarajevo, before the Yugoslav war, there was a museum at one end of the bridge where Archduke Ferdinand was assassinated. Among the displays at this museum was a political cartoon from the period shortly before the outbreak of the Great War. The cartoon shows a disorderly circle of powder kegs, some with long, dangling fuses, others on their sides with gun-powder spilling out.
Bulgarian – Macedonian relationships are burdened with a heavy historical heritage. It falls in the context of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the pretensions of neighboring countries like Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria for a possible “redistribution” of Macedonia.
Nobody denies that the lack of judicial structures was-and still is-a major problem in Kosovo. The court system being set up is in its infancy, and the government and parliament have not proved efficient, especially in the fight against crime and widespread corruption. The "democracy deficit," however, is only part of the reason for the reluctance of the "international community"-essentially, the United States and the European Union-to deal with the future status of Kosovo.
On 2 March 2001 nearly 200 ethnic Albanian guerrillas, wearing the insignia of the National Liberation Army (NLA) crossed the Kosovo-Macedonian border and appeared in the Macedonian border village of Tanusevci. (The Daily Telegraph, 2 March). On 5 March the Macedonian army announced mobilization (Mediapool.bg). A six month state-political and ethnic crisis followed in Macedonia. The crisis embarrassed politicians and analysts who believed that having managed successfully her interethnic relations for the past decade, Macedonia had luckily evaded the ethnic crises that occurred in all post-Yugoslav republics.