Published by
an independent
and non-profit NGO:
Center for Peace and Democracy
Skopje, Macedonia
Denko Maleski,
Law School Ss. Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje
Law, Politics and History in International Relations: Macedonia and Greece
After the violent desintegration of the Yugoslav federation in the ninetees, Greek nationalism would not accept the fact of the existance of an independent Macedonian state on its border, the existance of a distinct Macedonian national identity, much less that such an identity exists on its own territory. Believing that the Macedonian name is part of their historic heretage and that it can not be used for the identification of another nation, the new Macedonian identity was experienced as threatening to the feelings of Greekness, but also to the cohesion of the new Greek-Macedonian national identity. Memories of the Cold War and the attempts by the world Communist movement, during the Greek civil war, to alter the borders of 1913/1919, gave these feelings such intensity that the new Slav-Macedonian identiry was looked upon as a threat to Greek national security. So, we were dealt with accordingly...[more]
Lidija Hristova,
Institute for Sociological and Political Research, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje
Left and Right in the Post Communist Countries
By giving a short overview of the relevant politicological literature for the ideological positions of political parties in post-communist countries, the purpose of this work is to reveal to which extent these differ from the conditions and processes in established democracies and what these differences owe to. The knowledge gained will serve as a reference framework to analyze the ideological profilation of the parties in the Macedonian post-communist society. Here, we will pay special attention on the position of the political subjects (political parties and citizens/voters) on the two-dimensional specter: left - right and conservatism - liberalism. With the use of the data from the empirical research of the political identities in Republic of Macedonia, the author has come to the conclusion that in the Macedonian case the intriguing Kitschelt’s thesis (of 1992) according to which economic liberalism in post-communist societies is accompanied by political liberalism (double liberalism) has only partially been confirmed.
Key words: political parties, party policies, ideological specters, post-communist countries
Area of expertise: Political science
[PDF]
Scott Nicholas Romaniuk,
School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin
Civilian or Military Power Europe?
The Evolving Nature of European Union Power
The collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe surfaced expectations of a wave of civilian power in international relations (IR). The European Community was expected to shift from exercising military power in a defensive manner, and move inextricably toward non-military and economic means in order to achieve national objectives. The development of supranational structures and institutions within Europe, to manage international issues, was also expected to represent part of the core of Europe’s burgeoning role in IR. Although such trends have become manifest in the conduct of the European Union (EU), the Union’s most recent role in Kosovo—a mission that was undertaken beyond the management of the United Nations (UN)—represents a considerable sway from civilian power Europe. While the Union’s operations in the recent past has demonstrated the value in a dual soft hard power orientation, the EU’s posture of sitting astride both civilian and military roles presents potentially negative consequences for the ‘ethicacy’ and efficacy of its non-military external policies. Utilizing the Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the European Union Mission in Kosovo (EUMIK) as means of analyses, this article presents the argument that the EU has moved beyond its role as a civilian power but has not abandoned its civilian commitments or image.
Keywords: European Union; external policies; Military Power; Normative Power; international relations (IR); Kosovo; peace-building; security; state-building[PDF]
Mirjana Maleska,
SEE University, Tetovo
Inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia: People Centred Analyses
This analyses is a result of a large empirical research, held at early September 2009. The respondents, 943 of them, answered to the questions about several aspects of their life and the life of their household. Interethnic relations, analysed here, are one aspect of the survey “People Cantered Analyses”, supported by UNDP.
The main finding in these fact-finding analyses is that, while it is dangerous for social cohesion and stability of the country when a minority is dissatisfied, it is even more dangerous when the majority is dissatisfied. According to this research, that is the situation in the Republic of Macedonia. The majority of Macedonians, who work in large scale industry and in the public sector, have been adversely affected by the economic crisis, and feel economically insecure. Dissatisfaction or pessimism among middle-lower class people can negatively affect inter-ethnic relations because this class group will instinctively demand a better status, more by pushing aside people from different ethnic backgrounds. Such people are susceptible to political manipulation, and social conflicts can easily turn into interethnic conflicts.
Key words: ethnic groups, ethnic communities, interethnic conflict; consociational democracy, Ohrid Framework Agreement
Area of expertise: Political science
[PDF]
Sabrina L. Pinnell,
Department of Political Science, San Jose State University, USA
THE SECOND RUSSIAN CONSTITUTIONAL COURT:
AN 11-YEAR ASSESSMENT OF ITS ROLE IN CENTER-REGIONAL CONFLICTS
This paper considers the role of the Second Russian Constitutional Court in resolving center-regional conflicts from 1995 to 2005. Previous work by this author indicated that the central central government and individual actors were favored over regional actors in centerregional conflicts between 1995 and 2003. This study expands the period studied and now spans most of the Putin era, with its “verticalization” of the federal system. This study includes an analysis of basic statistics on number of cases brought before the Court and what actors as well as binomial regressions to test the effects of time on potential favoritism by the Court. In a departure from previous work, additional analysis is included to determine the actual probability of the Court favoring specific actors in center-regional conflicts. [PDF]